History

November 3, 1936: Talking with Companys (Part III)

To commemorate the 90th anniversary of the Civil War, José Ángel Mañas recreates in Zenda, day by day in this section, what happened in 1936, perhaps the most pivotal year in all recent Spanish history.

Tuesday, November 3, 1936: Talking with Companys (III)

Allow me, Mr. President, to return to that famous October 6, 1934, when you declared the independence of Catalonia. During our last meeting, last month, you told me that you sat down to dine with members of your government and other prominent figures while awaiting Batet’s response, which arrived in the form of artillery noise from the Rambla de Santa Mònica.

—Indeed,
Nogales.

—I understand that at that moment there was no telephone or telegraph communication with Barcelona…

—The strikers cut it.

—That is why the dialogue Batet held with Lerroux, the latter in was by teletype. They did not agree on when to declare a State of War in Catalonia. If I’m not mistaken, confirming that communications were cut is what led Batet to proclaim it immediately.

—That’s how I understand it.

““I have always said that, without anarchist support, there would be neither election victories nor a social revolution, nor independence either. Looking at what happened, I believe my forecasts were correct“

—As you know, not long after, at nine, the firing began in Madrid. It was initiated by groups allied with the Socialist Party, who stormed ministerial buildings. Around ten, General Franco, summoned by the Minister of War, Diego Hidalgo, appeared at the Buenavista Palace, in the Cibeles area, and took command of operations to end the revolt. The Madrid coup attempt was easily thwarted. The attackers were repelled, among others by Enrique Puente, head of the PSOE’s Motorized Brigade, a radical prietist; the Captain Condés of the Civil Guard, who assassinated Calvo Sotelo; and the Assault Officer José Castillo. Their objective was to seize the Governorship and several official centers. They failed, due to a lack of organization and because of the resistance of the military. And the Government was able to focus on Asturias and Barcelona. Much has been said about Asturias, but what happened in Barcelona is less well known.

—Tell me, Nogales, why do you think we failed?

—In Barcelona? I think it’s because they did not count on the anarchists. At that moment, Buenaventura Durruti was the most important revolutionary leader in Catalonia and Spain. But you jailed him. Consequently, when the general strike was decided, only socialists and communists supported it, in addition to the militias of the independence movement, the escamots of Josep Dencàs…

—I agree with you, Nogales. Not counting on the was a mistake. That’s why I kept it in mind in the recent elections. For nearly two years in prison I had plenty of time to brood over it. I have always said that without anarchist support, there would be neither election victory nor social revolution, nor independence. Looking at what happened in Catalonia and the rest of Spain, I believe my forecasts were correct. It’s something we learned from the events of 1934. The fact that García Oliver and Montseny have now joined the government of Largo Caballero is evidence that the confederalists have also evolved.

—Yes. But, if you agree, Mr. Companys, let us return to 1934…

—On that date, as you yourself have said, Nogales, we did not have Durruti and the CNT. They derailed the general strike. They challenged us. We had to jail many people. Unfortunately. It was a first and tremendous mistake. The other mistake was us—the bourgeoisie and the moderate secessionist left—with Marxism, at a moment when it hardly had strength in Catalonia. Neither side was prepared. The only ones proficient in revolutionary action were the anarchists. With the anarcho-syndicalists we could have triumphed, as has been achieved in 1936; but without them, we were heading for disaster.

All the entries for 1936 day by day

Interview with José Ángel Mañas about 1936 Day by Day


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